MAKING MALE and female hindu Slaves by all muslim rulers capturing many laxs all caste hindu women raping and distributing them in SOLDIERS and selling male and CHILDREN female hindus in different muslim markets
This article is chiefly based on legacy of muslim rule in india by one of the most respected historian of India K S LAL
Legacy of muslim rule in india by K S
Lal chapter slaves page number 249 to 258
You will find some number in article which is basically refrences of
book that you can see in foot note
LEGACY OF
MUSLIM RULE IN INDIA BY K S Lal Page
249 to 258
The forest-village-dwellers, whether
escapees or resisters, suffered untold privations. Still they had the
satisfaction of being able to preserve their freedom, their religion and their
culture. But all victims of aggression were not so lucky. Many vulnerable
groups and individuals could not extricate themselves from the clutches of the
invaders and tyranny of the rulers; they used to be captured, enslaved and even
sold, not only in India but also outside the country. It was not only Jahangir, a comparatively kind hearted emperor,
who used to capture poor people during his hunting expeditions and send them to
Kabul in exchange for dogs and horses, all Muslim invaders and rulers collected
slaves and exploited them as they pleased. When Muhammad bin Qasim invaded Sind, he took
captives wherever he went and sent many prisoners, especially women prisoners,
to his homeland. Parimal Devi and Suraj Devi, the two daughters of Raja Dahir,
who were sent to Hajjaj to adorn the harem of the Caliph, were part of a large
bunch of maidens remitted as one-fifth share of the state (Khums) from the
booty of war (Ghanaim). The Chachnama gives the details. After the capture of the fort of
Rawar, Muhammad bin Qasim halted there for three day, during which time
he masscered 6,000 men. Their followers and dependents, as well as their women
and children were taken prisoner. When the (total) number of prisoners was
calculated, it was found to amount to thirty thousand persons (Kalichbeg
has sixty thousand), amongst whom thirty were the daughters of the chiefs. They
were sent to Hajjaj.
The head of Dahir and the fifth part of prisoners were forwarded in charge of
the Black Slave Kaab, son of Mubarak Rasti.96 In Sind itself female slaves
captured after every campaign of the marching army, were married to Arab
soldiers who settled down in colonies established in places like Mansura,
Kuzdar, Mahfuza and Multan. The standing
instructions of Hajjaj to Muhammad bin Qasim were to give no quarter to
infidels, but to cut their throats, and take the women and children as
captives. In the final stages of the conquest of Sind, when the plunder and the
prisoners of war were brought before Qasim one-fifth of all the prisoners were
chosen and set aside; they were counted as amounting to twenty thousand in
number (they belonged to high families) and veils were put on their faces, and
the rest were given to the soldiers.97 Obviously, a
few lakhs of women were enslaved and distributed among the elite and the
soldiers. In the
words of the Andre Wink, From the seventh century onwards, and with a peak
during Muhammad al-Qasims campaigns in 712-13, a
considerable number of Jats [and also others] was captured as prisoners of war
and deported to Iraq and elsewhere as slaves. Some Jat freemen became famous in the Islamic world,
as for instance Abu Hanifa (699-767?), the founder of the Hanafite school of
law. [98 Wink, Al-Hind, I, p. 161]
Hindu
Slaves women and men became so plentiful
that city of gazani was filled with Indian male female and children slaves and were sold in 10 dirham every
shopkeeper of gazani and every soldier
had hindu slaves girl all muslim rulers
made hindu slave captured hindu women of all castes
[Legacy of muslim rule in india by K
S Lal chapter slaves]
Page 250 to 254
So from the days of Muhammad bin Qasim in the
eighth century to those of Ahmad Shah Abdali in the eighteenth, enslavement,
distribution and sale of captives was systematically practised by Muslim
invaders. A few instances are necessary to have a clear idea of the monstrous
practice of taking captives. When Mahmud Ghaznavi attacked
Waihind (near Peshawar) in 1001-02, he took 500,000 persons of both sexes as
captive. This figure of Abu Nasr Muhammad Utbi, the secretary
and chronicler of Mahmud, is so mind-boggling that Elliot reduces it to 5000.99
The point to note is that taking of slaves was a matter of routine in every
expedition. Only when the numbers were exceptionally large did they receive the
notice of the chroniclers. So that in Mahmuds attack on Ninduna
in the Salt Range (1014), Utbi says that slaves were so plentiful that they
became very cheap; and men of respectability in their native land (India) were
degraded by becoming slaves of common shopkeepers (of Ghazni).100 His statement finds confirmation
in Nizamuddin Ahmads Tabqat-i-Akbari which states that Mahmud obtained great
spoils and a large number of slaves. Next year from Thanesar, according to Farishtah, the Muhammadan army
brought to Ghaznin 200,000 captives so that the capital appeared like an Indian
city, for every soldier of the army had several slaves and slave girls.101 Thereafter slaves were taken in Baran, Mahaban, Mathura, Kanauj, Asni
etc. so that when Mahmud returned to Ghazni in 1019, the booty was found to
consist (besides huge wealth) of 53,000 captives according to Nizamuddin. But
Utbi is more detailed. He says that the number of prisoners may be conceived
from the fact, that each was sold for from two to ten dirhams. These were
afterwards taken to Ghazna, and the merchants came from different cities to
purchase them, so that the countries of Mawaraun-Nahr, Iraq and Khurasan were
filled with them. The Tarikh-iAlfi
adds that the fifth share due to the Saiyyads was 150,000 slaves, therefore the
total number of captives comes to 750,000.102 This was the practice throughout the medieval period. Furthermore, it
was also a matter of policy with the Muslim rulers and their army commanders to
capture and convert, destroy or sell the male population, and carry into
slavery women and children. Ibn-ul-Asir says that Qutbuddin Aibak made
war against the provinces of Hind He killed many, and returned home with
prisoners and booty. 103 In Banaras,
according to the same authority, Muhammad Ghauris slaughter of the
Hindus was immense. None was spared except women and children."104 No
wonder that slaves began to fill the households of every Turk from the very
beginning of Muslim rule in India. Fakhr-i-Mudabbir informs us that as a result
of the Muslim achievements under Muhammad Ghauri and Qutbuddin Aibak, even a
poor householder (or soldier) who did not possess a single slave before became
the owner of numerous slaves of all description (jauq jauq ghulam har jins)
105 In 1231 Sultan Iltutmish attacked
Gwalior, and captured a large number of slave.106 Minhaj Siraj Jurjani
writes that Sultan Balbans taking
captives, and his capture of the dependents of
the great Ranas cannot be recounted.107 Talking of his war in Avadh against
Trailokyavarman of the Chandela dynasty (Dalaki wa Malaki of Minhaj), the chronicler says that all the
infidel wives, sons and dependents and children fell into the hands of the
victors.108 In 1253, in
his campaign against Ranthambhor also Balban appears to have captured many prisoners. In 1259, in an attack on Haryana (the Shiwalik Hills), many
women and children were enslaved.109 Twice Balban led
expeditions against Kampil, Patiali, and Bhojpur, and in the process captured a
large number of women and children. In Katehar
he ordered a general massacre of the male population of above eight years of
age and carried away the women and children.110 The process of enslavement
during war went on under the Khaljis and the Tughlaqs (1290-1414 C.E.). Of Alauddin Khaljis 50,000 slaves111 some
were mere boys,112 and surely mainly captured during war. Firoz Tughlaq had issued an order that
whichever places were sacked, in them the captives should be sorted out and the
best ones should be forwarded to the court. His acquisition of slaves was accomplished
through various ways - capture in war, in lieu of revenue and as present from
nobles.113 Soon he was enabled to collect 180,000 slaves. Ziyauddin Baranis description of the
Slave Market in Delhi, (such markets were there in other places also), during
the reign of Alauddin Khalji, shows that fresh batches of captives were
constantly replenishing them.114
[Legacy of muslim rule in india by K S Lal chapter slaves page 254]
fixing of price of hindu girls
for selling them in muslim markets
[Legacy of muslim rule in india by K S
Lal chapter slaves page 254]
the practice of selling slaves was well established and widely known.
Amir Khusrau in the fourteenth century writes that the Turks, whenever they
please, can seize, buy, or sell any Hindu.115 He is corroborated by Vidyapati
in the next century. The latter writes that the Muslim
army commanders take into custody all the women of the enemys city, and
wherever they happened to pass, in that very place the ladies of the
Rajas house began to be sold in the market.116 Alauddin Khalji
fixed the prices of such slaves in the market, as he did for all other items of
common use like wheat and rice, horse and cattle. The sale price of boys was
fixed from 20 to 30 tankahs; the ill-favoured could be obtained for 7 or 8. The
slave boys were classified according to their looks and working capacity. The
standard price of a working girl was fixed from 5 to 12 tankahs, that of a good
looking girl from 20 to 40, and a beauty of high family even from 1 thousand to
2 thousand tankahs. 117 Under Muhammad bin Tughlaq, as
per the information of Shihabuddin al Umri, a domestic maid in Delhi could be
had for 8 tankahs and one deemed fit to be a concubine sold for about 15
tankahs. In other cities, says he, prices are still lower. 118 Muhammad bin
Tughlaq became notorious for enslaving captives, and his reputation in this
regard spread far and wide so that Umri writes about him thus: The Sultan never ceases to show the
greatest zeal in making war upon the infidels Everyday thousands of slaves are
sold at very low price, so great is the number of prisoners.119 Ibn Battutas eye-witness account of the
Sultans arranging marriages of enslaved girls with Muslims on a large
scale on the two Ids confirms the statement of Al Umri. First of all, writes
he, daughters of Kafir (Hindu) Rajas captured during the course of the year,
come, sing and dance. Thereafter they are bestowed upon Amirs and important
foreigners. After this the daughters of other Kafirs dance and sing the Sultan
gives them to his brothers, relatives sons of Maliks etc. On the sixth day male
and female slaves are married.120 It was a general practice for Hindu girls of
good families to learn the art of dancing. It was a sort of religious rite.
They used to dance during weddings, festivals and Pujas at home and in temples.
This art was turned ravenous under their Muslim captors or buyers. In short, female slaves were captured or obtained in droves throughout
the year. Such was their influx that Ibn Battuta appears having got bored of
them when he wrote: At (one) time there arrived in Delhi some female infidel
captives, ten of whom the Wazir sent to me. I gave one of them to the man who
had brought them to me, but he was not
satisfied. My companion took three
young girls, and I do not know what happened to the rest.121 Thousands (chandin hazar) of non-Muslim women (aurat va masturat) were
captured during the yearly campaigns of Firoz Tughlaq and under him the
Id celebrations were held on lines similar to those of his predecessor. 122
Their sale outside, especially
during the Hajj season, brought profits to the state and Muslim merchants. Their possession within, inflated the
harems of Muslim kings and nobles beyond belief.123 Some feeble attempts were
sometimes made by some kings to put a stop to this inhuman practice. The Mughal
emperor Akbar, for example, abolished the custom of enslaving helpless women
and
children in
times of war. without permission intermarry with the people of the pargana in
which he might be125 for abduction and forced marriages were common enough. But
there was never an abjuration of the policy of enslavement as mainly it was not
the Mughal emperors but the Mughal nobility who must have taken the lions share
of the states enslavement, deportation and sale. To make the long and
painful story short, it may just be mentioned that after the Third Battle of
Panipat (1761), the plunder of the (Maratha) camp was prodigious, and
women and children who survived were driven off as slaves - twentytwo thousand
(women), of the highest rank in the land, says the Siyar-ulMutakhkhirin. 126
The above study points to some hard facts about enslavement of Hindus under
Muslim rule. It is
not pertinent here to make a detailed study of the Muslim slave system which
was an institution as peculiar as it was unique. Examples of men like Iltutmish
and Balban are cited to show how well the slaves fared in the Islamic state and
society, how well they were brought up and how easily they could rise to the
highest positions in life. Iltutmish received nourishment like a son in the
house of his master. 127 Firoz Tughlaq and his nobles too treated their slaves
in a similar fashion. 128 But it is the captured and enslaved victims who felt
the pinch of slavery. Here only their sufferings may be briefly recapitulated
under three separate sections-the fate of men, of women and of children. Of the men captives, the Muslim regime did
not have much use. Male prisoners were usually put to the sword, especially the
old, the overbearing and those bearing arms, as had happened during Muhammad
bin Qasims invasion, Ghauris attack on Banaras, Balbans expedition to Katehar,
Timurs campaign in Hindustan or Akbars massacre at Chittor. [129 Barani, p.
59] Of the captured men, those who could fetch good price were sold in India
and outside. A lucrative trade in Indian slaves flourished in the West Asian
countries. Many chroniclers aver that an important export item of commerce
abroad comprised of Indian slaves who were exchanged for horses. If the trade
in slaves was as brisk as the horse-trade, then many thousands of people must
have been deported from India each year.
For example, over the years from the eleventh to the early
years of the nineteenth century, three quarters of the population of Bukhara
was of mainly Indian slave extraction. The Hindu-Kush
(Hindu-killer) mountain ranges are so called because thousands of Indian
captives yoked together used to die while negotiating them. Ibn Battuta
himself saw Indian slaves being taken out of the country. 130 Many of the slaves who were not sold by
their captors, served as domestic servants, as artisans in the royal Karkhanas
and as Paiks in the army. The Paiks cleared the jungles and prepared roads for
the army on march. They were also sometimes used as human shields in battle.131
But others, especially professional soldiers captured in war and willing to
serve the Muslim army, joined the permanent cadre of the infantry, and were
known for their loyalty. 132 Alauddin Khalji, Mubarak Khalji, and Firoz Tughlaq
were saved by Paiks when attempts were made on their lives.133 Child captives were preferred to grown up
men. It may be recollected that in
his campaigns in Katehar, Balban massacred mercilessly, sparing only boys of
eight or nine.134 The age factor is material. As these boys grew in years, they gradually forgot their parents and
even their native places and developed loyalty only to the king. They could
thus be reared as Janessaries were brought up in the Ottoman Empire.
why rajput women did jauhar with
their small children
Legacy of muslim rule in india by K S
Lal chapter slaves page 255]
The price-schedule of Sultan Alauddin
Khalji is evidence of the importance attached to boy-slaves. In his time, while
the price of a handsome slave was twenty to 30 tankahs and that of a
slave-servant ten to 15 tankahs, the price of a child slave (ghulam bachchgan
naukari) was fixed at 70 to 80 tankahs. 135
Therefore during a campaign it was aimed at capturing lots of children. But no Hindus wished their children to become slaves, and in the face
of an impending defeat Hindu mothers used to burn their little children in the
fire of Jauhar136
rather than let them fall into the hands of the enemy to lead the life of
perpetual bondage and sometimes meet a most detestable death.137 The
Womn captive were made as sex object
[Legacy of muslim rule in
india by K S Lal chapter slaves page 255]
The women captives in Muslim hands were
treated as objects of sex or for making money through sale. Al Umri writes that in spite of low prices of slaves, 200,000 tankahs
and even more, are paid for young Indian girls. I inquired the reason and was
told that these young girls are remarkable for their beauty, and the grace of
their manners.138 This was the position from the very beginning. It has been mentioned before that
Muhammad bin Qasim sent to Hajjaj some thirty thousand captives many among whom
were daughters of chiefs of Sind. Hajjaj forwarded the prisoners to Caliph
Walid I (C.E. 705-15). The latter sold some of those daughters of the
chiefs, and some he granted as rewards. When he saw the daughter of Rai Dahirs
sister, he was much struck with her beauty and charms and wished to keep her
for himself. But as his nephew Abdullah bin Abbas desired to take her, Walid
bestowed her on him saying that it is better that you should take her to be the
mother of your children. Centuries
later, in the time of Jahangir, Abdullah Khan Firoz Jung expressed similar
views when he declared that I made prisoners of five lacs of men and women and
sold them. They all became Muhammadans. From their progeny there will be crores
by the day of judgement.[139 Chachnama, trs. Kalichbeg, pp. 153-54;
Shah Nawaz Khan, Maasirul-Umara, I, p. 105.]
Even akbar massacred 30
thousannds civilian population in
chittugad in 1568 and captured all caste of hindu women women rajput women did jauhar with their small
children
[Legacy of muslim rule in
india by K S Lal chapter slaves page 255]
The motive of having progeny from captured
women and thereby increasing Muslim population was at the back of all
marriages, abductions and enslavements throughout the medieval period. One recognised way of
escape from sex exploitation in the medieval period was Jauhar or
group-self-immolation. Jauhar also was naturally resorted to
because the motives and actions of the victors were never in doubt. For
example, before Qasim could attack the Fort of Rawar many of the royal ladies
themselves voluntarily immolated themselves. The description of the holocaust
in the Chachnama is like this: Bai, the sister of Dahir, assembled all her women
and said God forbid that we should own our liberty to these outcast cow-eaters.
Our honour would be lost there is nowhere any hope of escape; let us collect
wood, cotton and oil and bum ourselves. If any wish to save herself she may. So
they went into a house, set it on fire and burnt themselves.140 It is those of the lesser mettle
who used to save themselves and used to be captured. The repeated Jauhars at one place, Chittor, during the attacks of
Alauddin Khalji, Bahadur Shah of Gujarat and Emperor Akbar have become
memorable for the spirit shown by the Rajputnis. Captured and enslaved women often had to lead a life of misery and
dishonour as happened with Deval Devi, daughter of Raja Karan Baghela of
Gujarat.141 As the
legacy of this scenario, Indian girls are still being sold to West Asian
nationals as wives, concubines and slave girls. For example, all the leading
Indian newspapers like The Indian Express, The Hindustan Times and The Times of
India of 4 August 1991, flashed the news of a sixty year old toothless Arab
national Yahiya H.M. Al Sagish marrying a 10-11 year old Ameena of Hyderabad
after paying her father Rs. 6000, and attempting to take her out of the
country. Al Sagish has been taken into police custody and the case is in the
law-court now. Mr. I.U. Khan has pointed out that no offence could be made out
against his client as he had acted in accordance with the Shariat laws. He said
that since this case related to the Muslim personal law which permitted
marriage with girls who had attained Puberty (described as over 9 years of
age), Al Sagish could not be tried under the Indian Penal Code (IPC). Besides
Ameenas parents had not complained. (Times of India, 14 August 1991). But this
is not an isolated case. I was in Hyderabad for about four years, 1979-1983.
There I learnt that such marriages are common. There are regular agents and
touts who arrange them. Poor parents of girls are handsomely paid by foreign
Muslims for such arrangements. Every time that I happened to go to the
Hyderabad Airlines office or the Airport (which was about at least once a
month), I found bunches of old bridegrooms in Arab attire accompanied by young
girls, often little girl brides. A rough estimate indicated that as many as
8000 such marriages were solemnised during the past one decade in Hyderabad
alone. (Indian Express Magazine, 18 August 1991). In short, the sex slave-trade
is still flourishing not only in Hyderabad but in many other cities of India
after the medieval tradition.
Foot note
93 Alberuni,
I, pp. 101-102. 94 Hughes, Dictionary of Islam, p. 598. 95 Smith, Akbar the
Great Mogul, p. 108; C.H.I., IV, pp. 115-16. 96 Chachnama, E and D, I, pp.
172-73; trs. Kalichbeg, p. 154. 97 Ibid., E and D, I, pp. 173, 181, 211. 98
Wink, Al-Hind, I, p. 161. 99 Tarikh-i-Yamini, E and D, II, p. 26; Elliots
Appendix, p. 438; Farishtah, I, p.24. 100 Utbi, E and D, II, p. 39. 101
Farishtah, I, p.28. 102 Lal, Growth of Muslim Population in Medieval India, pp.
211-13. Also Utbi, E and D, II, p. 50 and n. 1. 103 Kamil-ut-Tawarikh, E and D,
II, p. 250. 104 Ibid., p. 251. 105 Tarikh-i-Fakhruddin Mubarak Shah, p. 20. 106
Tabqat-i-Nasiri, Persian Text, p. 175. Also Farishtah, I, p. 66. 107 Minhaj, E
and D, II, p. 348. 108 Ibid., p. 367; Farishtah, I, p. 71. 109 Minhaj, pp. 371,
380-81. 110 Barani, p. 59. 111 Afif, p. 272. 112 Barani, p. 318; Lal, History
of the Khaljis, pp. 214-15. 113 Afif, p. 267-73. 114 Barani, pp. 314-15. 115
Amir Khusrau, Nuh Sipehr, E and D, III, p. 561. 116 Vidyapati, Kirtilata, pp.
72-74. 117 Barani, pp. 313-15. 118 Masalik-ul-Absar, E and D, III, p. 580. 119
Loc. cit. 120 Ibn Battuta, p. 63, Hindi version by S.A.A. Rizvi in Tughlaq
Kalin Bharat, Part I, Aligarh, p. 189. 121 Ibid., p. 123. 122 Afif, p. 265.
Also pp. 119-20. 123 Ibid., p. 144. Also Lal, K.S., The Mughal Harem, pp.
19-38, 167-69, 170 and Growth of Muslim Population, p. 116. 124 Akbar Nama, II,
p. 246; Du Jarric, Akbar and the Jesuits, pp. 152-59. Also pp. 28, 30, 70, 92.
125 Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri, I, p. 9. 126 Rawlinson, H.G., in C.H.I., IV, p. 424 and
n. 127 Muhammad Aziz Ahmad, Political History and Institutions of the Early
Turkish Empire of Delhi, pp. 147-48, 159. 128 Afif, pp. 272-73. 129 Barani, p.
59; Yazdi, Zafar Nama, II, p. 92; Malfuzat-i-Timuri, E and D, III, p. 436;
Nizamuddin Ahmad, Tabqat-i-Akbari, I, p. 255; Farishtah, I, p. 77; Akbar Nama,
II, p. 475. 130 Ibn Battuta, p. 71; Jahangir, Tarikh-i-Salim Shahi, p. 165;
Burnes, Travels into Bokhara, I, p. 276; 11, p. 61. 131 Al-Qalqashindi,
Subh-ul-Asha, p. 76. 132 Barbosa, The Book of Duarte Barbosa, I, p. 181;
Barani, Fatawa-iJahandari, p. 25. 133 Barani, pp. 273, 376, 377. 134 Ibid., pp.
58-59. 135 Ibid., p. 314. 136 Sharma, C.N., Mewar and the Moghul Emperors, pp.
56, 76-77. Also Smith, Akbar the Great Mogul, p. 64. 137 After his (Firoz
Tughlaqs) death, the heads of these his favoured slaves were cut off without
mercy, and were made into heaps in front of the darbar (Afif, p. 273). 138
Masalik-ul-Absar, E and D, III, pp. 580-81. 139 Chachnama, trs. Kalichbeg, pp.
153-54; Shah Nawaz Khan, Maasirul-Umara, I, p. 105. 140 Ibid., trs. Kalichbeg,
p. 155. 141 She was captured by Malik Kafur and brought to Delhi. She was first
married to Khizr Khan, then Mubarak Khalji married her forcibly. She was later
on taken by Khusrau Shah - too much for a Hindu maiden (Lal, History of the
Khaljis, pp. 234-36, 298-99). 142 Nikitin in Major, India in the Fifteenth
Century, p. 14. 143 Moreland, India at the Death of Akbar, pp. 267-8 and n. 144
Ibid., p. 269. 145 Pelsaert, p. 60. 146 Ibid., pp. 60-61. 147 Bernier, p. 228.
148 Ibid., pp. 256, 288. 149 Ain, I, pp. 148-49, 139, 235; also Moreland, pp.
190-91 n. 150 Bernier, p. 229. 151 Pelsaert, pp. 61-62. 152 Ibid., p. 62-63.
153 Barani, p. 316. 154 Ibn Battuta, p. 151. 155 Passage in Tarikh-i-Daudi as
trs. by N.B. Roy in Niamatulahs History of the Afghans, p. 134. 156 Ahmad
Yadgar, Tarikh-i-Salatin-i-Afghana, p. 24 and n, also p. 33. 157 Ibid., 45. 158
A Sikandari silver tankah was equal to 30 copper Bahlolis (Thomas, Chronicles
of the Pathan kings of Delhi, p. 336). 159 Tarikh-i-Daudi, Allahabad University
Ms., fols. 137-38. 160 Afif, p. 136. 161 Lal, History of the Khaljis, pp.
167-77. 162 Pelsaert, p. 62. 163 Review of Dr. G.N. Sharma, Social Life in
Medieval Rajasthan (1500-1800) by Mohammad Habib, Medieval India, A Miscellany,
Vol. II, Aligarh, 1972, pp. 342-43. 164 Moreland, India at the Death of Akbar,
pp. 192-93. 165 Foster, Early Travels, pp. 113,114; Tavernier, I, p. 38. 166
Bernier, p. 228; Moreland, India at the Death of Akbar, p. 187. 167 Pelsaert,
p. 60. 168 Barani, p. 316. 169 Firoz Shah, Fatuhat-i-Firoz Shahi, Aligarh,
1954, p. 2. 170 Afif, pp. 446-50.
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